Table of contentsSummaryIntroductionLiterature reviewHistory of Korean popular musicModern K-Pop industryK-Pop musicK-Pop idol groups and formationThe emergence of K-Pop in Asia and the WestWestern Media Representations of K-PopWestern CentrismInternalization of Western Centrism and Racism Discourse of “Others” 2018-present)The “Others” NarrativeAbstractThis thesis examines how Western media portrays the K-Pop group BTS and how such representations reinforce Western, racist and hegemonic ideologies of masculinity. Despite the initial dismissal of the Korean Wave as a trend, BTS has achieved unprecedented success and recognition in the West. This thesis begins with a literature review that explores the K-Pop industry, Western media representations of K-Pop, and the ideologies of Western centrism, racism, and hegemonic masculinity. The research uses discourse analysis as a method to analyze media representations of BTS and their effects. The thesis concludes with a discussion of the findings, highlighting the perpetuation of stated ideologies in Western media coverage of BTS and their positive and negative effects. The thesis also addresses gaps in the existing literature. This study highlights the importance of understanding the role of media in shaping perceptions and reproducing harmful ideologies. Say no to plagiarism. Get a tailor-made essay on “Why Violent Video Games Should Not Be Banned”?Get the original essayIntroductionIn the 1990s, South Korean cultural products such as dramas and songs began to emerge and become extremely prevalent in Asia. The Korean wave (“Hallyu” in Korean) was coined to symbolize the global popularity of Korean popular culture in Asia (Jin, 2018). Hallyu's rapid success led some critics and scholars to dismiss it as an unsustainable trend, as Korea was considered a periphery in global cultural markets (Ono and Kwon, 2013; Parc and Kim, 2020). Additionally, many view reporting on Korean cultural products as limited to Asia, where Confucian values ​​or other cultural characteristics are shared (Ha, 2017). However, in recent years, the progress of Hallyu, especially Korean popular songs or K-Pop, is in complete disparity with these notions. K-Pop has expanded outside of Asia and become increasingly popular in the West, attracting attention from Western media. In 2012, Psy's "Gangnam Style" went viral, particularly in the West. After which, many people around the world discovered K-Pop and associated it with Psych. Today, Hallyu has entered another stage with the emergence and spectacular success of BTS, a seven-member K-Pop boy group. Scholars and critics have often mentioned that BTS's music, social media, and strong fandom known as ARMY, propelled them to unprecedented success. Indeed, BTS's messages of self-love and mental health in their songs appeal and touch many fans around the world, regardless of race, gender and age. ARMY's fervent support led BTS to win Top Social Artist (TSA) at the 2017 and 2018 Billboard Music Awards (BBMA), beating out popular artists like Justin Bieber and many others. They went on to conquer global music charts, were invited to perform on American music shows and talk shows, and were nominated for the 2021 Grammys Awards (GA). BTS benefitedreceived a lot of coverage from Western media as they were the first K-Pop group to successfully establish themselves in the Western music industry. They have appeared on magazine covers with titles like “TIME’s Entertainer of the Year 2020” (Bruner, 2020). Even though BTS receives star treatment, they have also encountered resistance to their success in the industry. Forms of racist and Western-centric commentary and reporting that viewed them as the "Others", effeminate and out about. Given that media can shape perceptions and reproduce racism, hegemonic masculinity and Western-centric ideologies, it is important to understand the roots of these perceptions and re-evaluate the texts in media coverage and their role in reproduction of these ideologies (Van Dijk, 1993). This thesis aims to analyze depictions of BTS in Western media to learn how Western media portray BTS to the general public and how ideologies of Western centrism, racism, and hegemonic masculinity are reinforced in these coverages. It also aims to know the effects of media representations on BTS. This dissertation begins with a literature review that explores existing literature regarding the K-Pop industry, Western media representations of K-Pop, and the ideologies of Western centrism, racism, and hegemonic masculinity. Next, I will justify the use of discourse analysis as a research method. This thesis then concludes with a discussion of the findings that will reveal how BTS is represented by Western media and that stated ideologies are present and perpetuated in these coverages. It will also reveal the positive and negative effects of these covers.Literature ReviewIn this literature review, I will first dissect the existing literature to unveil the origin and characteristics of the K-Pop industry and explore how K-Pop is going global internationally, especially in the West. This is done in order to provide K-Pop context that can help readers better understand the analysis. Second, current literature analyzing Western media representations of K-Pop was reviewed. As the literature shows that K-Pop covers have underlying Western and racist connotations, I will then explore the ideologies of Western-centrism, racism, and hegemonic masculinity to better understand why K-Pop is depicted in a certain way by the West. Finally, this section will conclude by addressing research gaps in the literature.History of Korean Popular MusicTo understand the origin of K-Pop and how it became a successful Korean cultural export, Lie (2014) and Cho ( 2017) first examined the history of Korean popular music. Traditional Korean music is known as "Kugak" before cultural and musical adaptation from Japan and the West began to emerge when Korea was occupied by Japan in 1910 and continued until Korea regained its independence after the Second World War (Lie, 2014; Cho, 2017, p.14). Korea created Korean popular music known as “taejung kayo” under Japanese occupation (Cho 2017). Under Japanese rule, Japan purged Korean and implemented Japanese, from language to music (Lie, 2014, p. 21). However, Japan was already Westernized in the 1880s before annexing Korea. Therefore, Japan institutionalized a modern Japan that was predominantly Western in form and content instead of traditional Japanese content in Korea (Lie,2014, p. 21). Japan viewed Western music as a symbol of modernization and a way to shape loyal subjects and catch up with the West (Lie, 2014). Thus, controlling music was a way for Japan to become a modern, westernized, and loyal Japan-dependent state (Cho, 2017, p. 16). After the end of Japanese colonization, America took the lead in the “free world” and widely promoted American academic and pop culture across the world (Chua and Cho, 2012, p. 485). America became the benchmark for Korean cultural legitimacy, with Christian missionaries in Korea presenting America as the symbol of modernity and freedom for Koreans (Cho, 2017; Chua and Cho, 2012; Yoshimi and Buist , 2003). Therefore, modern K-Pop underwent westernization and cultural hybridization as a result of the colonization movement and Christianity and was completed through globalization.Modern K-Pop IndustryK-Pop MusicThe 1990s were a defining moment for modern Korean popular music with the birth of the first K-Pop idol group known as HOT or “High Five of Teenagers” (Lee, 2019, p. 23). According to many scholars, K-Pop has little connection with traditional Korean culture, because K-Pop is a cultural hybridization between Western universalism and Asian exoticism (Shim, 2006; Oh and Park, 2012, p 368). The hybridity and multinational elements of K-Pop have complicated the definition of K-Pop, as not all K-Pop music is entirely created by Koreans or performed by Korean artists, as there are a number growing number of global producers, composers and artists producing and performing K-Pop. -Pop music (Lee, 2019, p. 24; Do, 2012). Many K-Pop companies have outsourced Western melodies, lyrics, rhythms, and percussion to countries like Sweden, America, or England (Oh, 2013, p. 396). The companies have also hired Western producers and composers to produce K-Pop songs. For example, American artist Bebe Rexha composed the song “Lucifer” for SHINee. These collaborations have developed attractive and unique sounds that differentiate K-Pop from other pop songs and have helped increase the international popularity of K-Pop groups. According to the Korean Culture and Information Service (KOCIS, 2011a, p. 33), one of the attractive features of K-Pop is using strong dance beats with repetitive and addictive choruses known as "hooks" which are effective in getting songs stuck in listeners’ heads. Songs like “Nobody” by Wonder Girls and “Sorry Sorry” by Super Junior have catchy hooks. K-Pop songs also usually contain elements of rap, dance, and singing mixed together (Leung, 2012). The most attractive feature of K-Pop is that it integrates music with dance and fashion (KOCIS, 2011a). K-Pop idols will perform synchronized dance moves with numerous facial expressions that illustrate the lyrics and concept of the song (Do, 2012, p. 33; Oh, 2013). K-Pop companies also work with foreign choreographers. For example, Keone Madrid, an American choreographer who developed choreography for the boy group GOT7. Usually, K-Pop groups will have a different concept for each comeback song or album in which stage outfits, makeup, and hairstyle are tools to match the concept. K-Pop Idol groups and TrainingIdol groups are the reason why K-Pop is popular. K-Pop producers and companies like SM Entertainment, JYP Entertainment and more are concerned about their artists' ability to become global celebritiesand, ultimately, generate high profits (Oh, 2013, p. 401). These companies will recruit and train teenagers from local and global auditions to debut in idol groups rather than as solo artists (Cho, 2017, p. 20; Oh, 2013). Groups are preferred over solo artists because each member is assigned a role as a singer, dancer, or rapper to attract more fans. Trainees will take singing, dancing, language, acting, and fitness classes for at least 2 to 10 years before their debut (Oh, 2013, p. 402; Cho, 2017). Visual elements like fashion, attractive looks, and physique play an important role in K-Pop in attracting fans. Compared to Japanese pop idols, K-Pop idols are much sexier and have more sophisticated appearances and figures (Oh, 2013, p. 401). This is because Western beauty standards are idealized in Korea. K-Pop idols, especially female idols, are commonly highlighted as possessing American beauty characteristics, including being tall, blonde, having double eyelids, and a skinny, but curvy hourglass figure. , known as the “S line” (Genovese, nd, p. 2). Therefore, plastic surgeries to achieve a more American face and figure and strict dietary management to maintain the desired weight are part of the training (Oh and Park, 2012, p. 382; Genovese, n.d., p 1). The training programs are strict and paternalistic in that trainees are not allowed to use their cell phones, date, etc. (Ho, 2012). Idols are expected to behave well and be innocent by refraining from any dating or smoking scandals (Leung, 2012; Cho, 2017). Once involved in such scandals, they will withdraw from the group. Most members and idol groups have English names so international fans can remember them easily. The emergence of K-Pop in Asia and the West The success of K-Pop in the global market may seem sudden , but it has its roots in the popularity of Korean TV shows in East Asian countries (Lee, 2019, p. 16). In the 1980s and 1990s, the main cultural imports came from Japan (Lee, 2019, p. 17). Japan's huge domestic market and rich resources meant that Japan did not need the foreign market to generate significant revenue and the costs of importing its contents were high. The cost factor and the narrowness of the Korean domestic market have worked in favor of Korean cultural industries. Korea opened its economy by exporting pop culture content to Asian countries like China, Singapore, and many others (Parc and Kim, 2020). People began to become interested in Korean songs with the growing popularity of Korean dramas like "Winter Sonata" in the 1990s. Thus, K-Pop began to captivate listeners in Asia. In the late 1990s, Hong Kong-based Channel V began showing K-Pop music videos (MVs), and K-Pop groups like Shinhwa and Sechs Kies regularly hold concerts in Hong Kong and Taiwan. (KOCIS, 2011b, p. 30; Shim , 2006). The achievements of these groups opened the door for more K-Pop artists to thrive across the border. Solo singer BoA ​​was considered one of the first Korean singers to have a successful career in America and Japan (KOCIS, 2011b, p. 31). Some critics initially believed that Hallyu would not last long or make huge strides in other parts of the world as it did in Asia, as they viewed Hallyu's achievements as both unforeseenand incidental, rather than intentional (Ono and Kwon, 2013, p. 204). Their idea is that in the future, another cultural fad will emerge and replace Hallyu, just as Hallyu had replaced Japanese popular culture in the 1990s (Ono and Kwon, 2013, p. 204). However, their predictions were not accurate because K-Pop has not died out. Instead, it has become more popular than ever, not only in Asia but also in the West thanks to social media. The penetration of K-Pop in the West led to a new phase of the Korean wave called Hallyu 2.0 in the 2010s, in which it is "more intense in its popularity and more widespread in its diffusion" (Jin and Yoon, 2016). , p. 1278). Hallyu 2.0 stands out from the previous wave in its global reach thanks to the notable role of social media in the production, consumption, and circulation of K-Pop content (Jin and Yoon, 2016, p. 1278). Social media platforms like Twitter and YouTube can make the international pop culture market scene very changeable and help increase the visibility of K-Pop through social media (Jung, 2014, p. 114). These digital media technologies make the international pop culture market scene very changeable and help to increase the visibility of K-Pop through social media (Jung, 2014, p. 114). Initially known as an "inter-Asian cultural flow", K-Pop was not well known in the West, particularly in the United States, as evidenced by the unsuccessful attempts of some K-Pop groups like the Wonder Girls, who spent three years trying to break into the American pop market by releasing singles in English (Jung, 2014, p. 126; Jin, 2018, p. 412). Most people outside of Asia were unaware of K-Pop, but thanks to social media, K-Pop gained some recognition in the West after Psy's 2012 MV Gangnam Style became a viral hit on YouTube and in global music markets, which has over 3 billion views to date (Jin, 2018, p. 405). The MV was circulated "among K-Pop fan networks on Twitter and Facebook" and became an Internet meme thanks to the growing trend of reaction and parody videos on YouTube which attracted mainstream audiences and gained recognition. on Twitter by renowned superstars like Britney Spears and Tom. Cruise (Jung, 2014, p. 125). After becoming an internet sensation, Psy appeared on American television shows like Saturday Night Live and many others, which helped propel K-Pop to greater success (Jung, 2014,p. 125) . Since Psy's successful debut in North America, many K-Pop groups like BTS have gained recognition and popularity in the West. Thus, several studies agree on the fact that the recognition of K-Pop in the West is due to social media (Do, 2012; Jin and Yoon, 2016; Lee, 2019). in the West, the Western media are talking about it more and more. Kwon (2017) and Gibson (2019) analyzed Western media representations of K-Pop. Kwon (2017) examined articles published after 2011 by news media in the United States and the United Kingdom (UK) describing K-Pop. American and British media have reported similar depictions of K-Pop. First, they presented K-Pop artists as national heroes of Korea, as they are seen as creators of national images that promote and represent Korea to the world. Second, both reported on how the K-Pop industry works (intensive training and strict rules) and described that K-Pop performances include perfectly synchronized choreography, catchy songs, and fashionable outfits. . They also described K-Pop idols as peoplehumble and hardworking, possessing multi-faceted talents and attractive features obtained through plastic surgery. However, American media has portrayed K-Pop much more negatively than British media. American media has reported that K-Pop is a mass-produced product and that idols are machines that lack uniqueness because entertainment companies often produce cookie-cutter performances and idols with characteristics forgettable (Kwon, 2017, p. 27). Meanwhile, British media presented a different narrative than American media by presenting idols as unique because their fashion and hairstyle are different from the everyday appearance of Westerners (Kwon, 2017, p. 65). They also pointed out that idols are innovative because artists like G-Dragon write, produce and perform their songs instead of performing songs created by other producers. Third, they claimed that K-Pop was used as political propaganda by South Korea to promote the interests of North Koreans. Indeed, K-Pop songs are a symbol of democratization and freedom linked to American ideologies that threaten North Korea, so the Korean government deliberately launches K-Pop to the North to arouse its interests (Cho, 2017 , p.17). . It is observed throughout Kwon's analysis that Western media coverage of K-Pop has underlying Western-centric connotations (description below). American media presented K-Pop as a cultural product exported from the United States because they believed that K-Pop imitated and adopted American music genres and boy group concepts. American and British media felt that K-Pop needed help from the West to achieve global success. For example, they believed that K-Pop songs should be sung primarily in English for their songs to be played worldwide. Kwon (2017, p. 56) stated that the British media imagined the United Kingdom as the center of cultural exchange by emphasizing the importance of English lyrics for the success of K-Pop, which reinforced the centric ideology on the West according to which the West is the center of the world. world (Shohat and Stam, 2014). As Kwon's (2017) study demonstrated Western discourses on K-Pop after 2011, it is necessary to conduct a comprehensive study on Western articles published before 2011 to show the changes in perspectives on K-Pop over time. time. In this aspect, Gibson (2019) analyzed Western media coverage of K-Pop from 2009 to 2019 and examined general trends in media framing of K-Pop over time in four distinct stages: phase introductory phase (2009-2011), the Gangnam Style phase (2012-2013). ), Korean Wave Stage (2014-2017) and Mainstreaming Stage (2018-2019). During the introductory phase, K-Pop received sporadic coverage and Western media were curious, but skeptical of K-Pop. They often asked variations of "What is K-Pop" and covered many K-Pop stereotypes (manufactured idols) that still exist in K-Pop coverage today (Gibson , 2019, p. A 2012 New Yorker article referred to the girl group Girls Generation as "Factory Girls." The Gangnam Style scene has seen wider coverage on K-Pop and Psy. Most reporting on Gangnam Style has been positive, but some negative remarks and problematic stereotypes have been reported. Articles often exoticize and emasculate Psi by treating him as a caricature that reinforces negative stereotypes of menAsians (see below). Despite these issues, Psy's popularity fueled a deeper interest in the K-Pop industry and its idols, leading to the next stage of media coverage. The Korean Wave scene observed increasing media coverage and a wide range of news angles (e.g., K-Pop as a political tool) on K-Pop, which corresponded to a substantial increase in exposure of K-Pop to the world. West. As idols and K-Pop generally have clear-cut images, many media outlets were determined to expose the dark side of K-Pop by focusing on the industry's hyper-competitive, high-pressure narrative. At the mainstreaming stage, K-Pop began to be included in the mainstream debate in the West, as Western television shows and media introduced K-Pop to a broad demographic audience that would typically never consume information about the culture and music of other countries. country (Gibson, 2019, p. 34). This stage saw an increase in critical and in-depth coverage. For example, the media will extensively analyze K-Pop albums and songs as well as K-Pop artist scandals that are generally not reported in the West. Although there is wider coverage on K-Pop, the media has not moved away from past tropes as some articles provide inaccurate information and racist coverage on K-Pop. However, unlike previous stages, fans are now more active in speaking out and demanding accountability for racist and misleading remarks, which greatly influences the way the West discusses K-Pop, especially on social media. Accountability for such coverage is necessary because information from the media is considered somewhat objective and credible. A survey by the Korea Foundation for International Cultural Exchange (KOFICE) found that non-K-Pop fans rely on news media to develop their perceptions of Korea and K-Pop (KOFICE, 2016 cited in Kwon, 2017). This means that individuals may formulate stereotypes about K-Pop and Korea that are developed and reinforced by the media. From these two studies, I identified general portrayals of K-Pop that primarily include harmful and stereotypical images of K-Pop and that Western media tends to view K-Pop through a Western lens. , thus evoking a feeling of Western superiority. and “otherness” in their coverage. I believe the reason is due to Western centrism, as explained below. Western Centrism Western centrism is a discursive justification and residue of colonialism, as it normalizes the power imbalance produced by colonialism (Shohat and Stam, 2014, 2014). p.2). Colonialism is a process by which Europeans fought for control and conquered colonial territories and resources, and achieved cultural and political hegemony over much of the world (Shohat and Stam, 2014, p. 2 ). Although colonial rule has ended, much of the world retains Western-centric views. Western centrism is a perspective in which Europe is seen as the sole source of meaning, as the center of the world and as “the ontological reality for the rest of the shadow world” (Shohat and Stam, 2014, p. 2). Western centrism divides the world between the West and the rest. Europeans are seen as history makers because there are beliefs that the West had a special advantage in terms of race, culture and more that makes Europeans superior and their civilizations progress,naturally modernize and innovate while other civilizations stagnate and are considered backward and backward. have no real contribution to the world (Blaut, 1993, p. 1; Bruckmann, 2010). These beliefs were formed because Europeans were believed to be the ones who invented the modern state, capitalism and more (Blaut, 1993, p. 8). However, Blaut (1993) argued that some of these suggestions may not be true. Indeed, Western centrism has established itself as inventive and superior by “appropriating the cultural and material creation of non-Western people” without recognizing the achievements of non-Western people and their appropriation (Shohat and Stam, 2014, p. 3 ). With this institution, Western centrism presents the West as leaders responsible for leading and modernizing non-Western civilizations while imitating the West through colonialism and assimilation (Amin, 1989; Blaut, 1993). As Western centrism is an ideology that shapes modern practices and representations, many non-Western territories like Japan and Korea have undergone Westernization by institutionalizing Western practices, institutions and much more (Shohat and Stam, 2014, p 2; ). For example, the westernization of K-Pop symbolizes modernity and freedom in Korea (see above). Another example is that American media has imagined America as the leader of the global music market, while K-Pop is portrayed as a cultural heir and follower of American music (Kwon, 2017, p. 18 ). Western-centrism not only influences the Westernization of K-Pop idols and songs, but it also causes internalized Western-centrism and reinforces racism which I will explain below. project their achievements as “representatives of humanity” and widely disseminate Western values, practices and more, their cultural expressions become the norm or universal (Young, 1990, p. 59). As Western identity and cultural expressions become normalized, the West has constructed the non-West as negative in comparison (Young, 1990; Blaut, 1993). Consequently, non-Westerners are separated and constructed as the “Others”. The process of “othering” involves non-Western people being stigmatized and stereotyped as threats or inferiors (Kang, 2015). Since the Western view of history is normalized through education, media, etc., the consequence is that Western views are largely internalized among non-Western and Western peoples, whether consciously or unconsciously (Shohat and Stam, 1994, p. 298; Kang, 2015, p. on the West”, because they are confronted with the imposed idea that they are less superior than their Western counterparts (Kang, 2015, p.30). For example, K-Pop idols adhering to Western beauty standards have reinforced the notion of the West as the center of the world and Koreans' desire to be like Westerners. As the West is continually perceived as the best, there will be racist views towards the non-West or the K-Pop industry as a result. Discourse on Racism Discourse on racism is similar and closely related to the ideology of Western centrism (Shohat and Stam, 1994; Kang, 2015). D'Souza (1995, p. 518) defines racism as the belief that intellectual or moral superiority is based on certain racial characteristics and that any acts of racial discrimination are due to such beliefs. White people are builtto be more superior to non-whites, which caused the latter to be subjected to racism. Such prejudices and subjugation are reproduced in everyday life through the media, education and politics, which contributes to the reproduction of racism (Van Dijk, 1993). When Girls Generation won the 2013 YouTube Video of the Year award in the United States, racist comments like “Can you believe One Direction lost to a weird Chinese girl” were common (Gibson, 2019 , p.38). By thinking it's unbelievable that a K-Pop group won an award over a Western group and calling them weird shows that they subscribe to Western and racist views of the non-West as mediocre and negative compared to the West. . Calling Girls Generation (all Korean members of the group) "Chinese girls" is racist because commenters have generalized people of Asian appearance as Chinese, which invalidates other ethnicities within Asian communities. One can be Western-centric while rejecting racism on a conscious level, because Western-centrism is not a genetic inheritance, but a historically situated discourse (Shohat and Stam, 1994, p. 298). But because Western and racist views are similar in that they believe in Western and white superiority, people also tend to internalize racial stereotypes. One example is racial stereotypes of male K-Pop idols being "gay" and "effeminate", due to different ideas of masculinity in Western and Korean cultures, as discussed below. The Soft Masculinity of K-Pop Male Idols Versus Western Hegemonic Masculinity Male pop idols are known for their soft masculinity embodying traits of masculinity with a feminine aesthetic in which they do not commit to any particular version of masculine expression, but adopt different versions of masculinity depending on their musical concept (Almqvist-Ingersoll, 2019; Lee et al., 2020, p. 5904; Song and Velding, 2020, p. Song and Velding (2020, p. 5) stated that the different types of masculinity include "KKot mi nam" (flower boys in Korean) and "Jim seung dol" (male idols representing wild, beast-like masculinity. Kkot mi nam masculinity refers to). to thin men with pretty and/or androgynous features who are very popular among female fans because it presents a "more feminine masculinity" that places more emphasis on beauty and less on physical strength (Oh, 2015). , p. 63; Almqvist-Ingersoll, 2019, p. For a sweet concept, male idols will perform Kkot mi nam masculinity in pastel-colored clothing, dance to cute choreographies while making cute winking gestures to emphasize their youthful innocence (Song and Velding, 2020, p.5). Simultaneously, the same idols will perform Jim seung dol's masculinity to display a sexy and tough concept that usually involves heavy eye makeup, shirtless muscular bodies, and harsh or sexy choreography that includes pelvic thrusts (Oh, 2015; Song and Velding, 2020). Researchers have conceptualized the flexibility of male K-Pop idols to alternate between soft and macho masculine expressions in terms of “manufactured versatile masculinity” (Jung, 2011) and “alternative masculinity” (Oh, 2015). Oh (2015, p. 63) considered the boundary between Kkot mi nam and Jim seung dol to be light, because although idols portraying Jim seung dol must look manly, they must also have pretty faces and flawless skin. Indeed, lookism is widespread in Korea, where the application of makeup is common amongKorean men, because personal hygiene and having a good appearance reflect one's competence and help distinguish oneself from others (Oh, 2015, p. 63; Sharma, 2018). Thus, male idols will undergo cosmetic surgeries, diets, wear full makeup, and wear androgynous accessories and outfits to stand out from other idols and meet the visual expectations demanded by Korean society. Such “feminine” expressions of masculine gender evoked by an effeminate appearance are not associated with queer practices or homosexuality in Korea, but they might be perceived as such in the West due to Western hegemonic masculinity (Oh, 2015; Almqvist-Ingersoll, 2019). Western hegemonic masculinity is defined by the absence of any feminine characteristics and the superiority of femininity (Hong et al., 2011; Song and Velding, 2020). For example, a man who focuses too much on his appearance is considered feminine, which risks his masculine label (Song and Velding, 2020, p. 6). Ideal hegemonic masculinity includes a “Western, white, able-bodied, heterosexual, middle/upper class male” (Connell, 2005 cited in Song and Velding, 2020, p. 6). Men become “real men” through the reinforcement of heterosexuality, homophobia, physical aggression, and having a muscular figure and rugged appearance (Hong et al., 2011, p. 863). Hegemonic masculinity is presented as the standard to which all men should aspire, but non-white, gay, or lower-class men cannot be considered masculine (Kim and Pyke, 2015, p. 510). Therefore, it is inevitable that the sexuality of Asian men, especially male K-Pop idols, will be underestimated as the West constructs other masculinities as inferior, which explains the dominance of masculinity Western hegemony (Kim and Pyke, 2015, p. 512; Song and Velding). , 2020, p.6). Asian men are emasculated because they embody traits such as intelligent, introverted, soft-spoken, and sexually inappropriate, and they are generally short and unmuscular, not all of which fit ideal Western masculinity traits and are considered effeminate traits in the world. West (Lee, 2016, p. 10 and 20; Song and Velding, 2020). As a result, Americans generally perceive Asian men as less masculine and attractive than White and Black American men (Wilkins et al., 2011; Lee, 2016). The explosive popularity of K-Pop in the West has led media and popular culture critics to scrutinize the appearances of male K-Pop idols beyond their music and performances. Some Western media accused them of being gay or feminine because of their fashion and makeup (Lee et al., 2020). They also reinforced problematic stereotypes of emasculated Asian men by emphasizing Psi's appearance as plump, unattractive, and eccentric (Gibson, 2019, p. 32). However, Oh (2015) and Lee et al. (2020, p. 5901) reasoned that the soft masculinity and popularity of male K-Pop idols could perhaps challenge negative stereotypes of Asian men's masculinity and redefine traditional standards of male beauty and masculinity by departing from the normative attributes of hegemonic masculinity as they are. now commonly recognized as attractive and sexy. Gaps in Existing Literature The above literature review has provided some crucial information. First, the West became the benchmark for Korean cultural legitimacy due to colonization, which greatly influenced K-Pop toincorporate Western and Asian elements, making it a cultural hybrid. K-Pop emerged in Asia thanks to the massive popularity of Korean dramas and is eventually recognized in the West thanks to Gangnam Style and social media. Second, studies by Kwon (2017) and Gibson (2019) show that overall depictions of K-Pop have underlying Western-centric and racist undertones in which K-Pop and idols are portrayed as the “Others” and the cultural heirs of the West. It also shows that the media has a role to play in perpetuating racist and Western-centric views, which could lead to the general public developing the same perceptions of K-Pop and Korea. Since I identified that there were Western and racist overtones in the media coverage, the literature review also discussed relevant literature on the ideologies of Western-centrism and racism. He demonstrated how Western-centrism and racism are largely internalized by both the West and non-Westerners, as the former are imagined as the center of the world due to their superiority. This explains why Western media presents K-Pop through a Western lens and evokes a sense of Western superiority. Due to Western centrism, the soft masculinity of K-Pop male idols is also seen as negative in comparison to Western hegemonic masculinity. This leads to comments describing male idols as effeminate. Such representations and opinions have disastrous consequences for reasons that will be discussed below. During my research, I discovered several literatures on the K-Pop industry and how social media has contributed to its growing popularity in the West. Although these studies offer significant conclusions and implications, there are insufficient studies on Western media's representations of K-Pop. Especially on the use of theories of Western centrism, racism and hegemonic masculinity to decipher the reasons and repercussions of such phenomena, representations and reactions. As BTS is considered the most popular K-Pop boy band in the world, I'm curious how the West perceives and represents them. I found that Western media coverage of BTS has not been analyzed as much given the amount of hype BTS has generated in the West. BTS only gained a foothold in the West in 2017, which shows how relatively new this topic is in academia and explains why there is not enough literature on Western audience reactions and representations of media towards them. Most literature on BTS focuses on their fandom and how digitalization has contributed to their popularity (Lee and Nguyen, 2020; Parc and Kim, 2020). Thus, this dissertation seeks to fill the gap in literature by using BTS as a case study to understand how they are represented by Western media and whether ideologies of Western centrism, racism, and hegemonic masculinity are perpetuated. He also seeks to know the effects of these representations. Methodology This section will first discuss and explain the data selection and collection process. Based on my aforementioned research objectives, I will conduct a qualitative study on BTS and Western media. Among the many research methods, discourse analysis (DA) is useful for analyzing qualitative studies because it critically shows the social phenomena described. I will describe and justify the use of DA and address thelimitations of the methodology. Data Selection and Collection As this study focuses on the reception of BTS in the West, newspaper and online magazine articles were selected from Western media outlets in the United States and the United Kingdom. articles in the US and UK media, as BTS actively promoted in America and achieved many hits in the US music market, while the UK streamed more K-Pop music than any other country in Europe from 2019 to 2020 (Kim, 2020). The articles were selected from various publications so that there was enough variation and information on media coverage of BTS. While BTS achieved global popularity and received massive attention from Western media after winning the TSA award at the 2017 BBMAs, my study focused on the day they first attended the BBMAs 2017 and were presented to the general Western public two days after their participation in the 2021 AGM. The selected period was between May 21, 2017 and March 17, 2021. This period was selected because I am interested in media coverage of BTS throughout the period they are actively promoting in America after the 2017 BBMAs and since the most recent event was the 2021 AGM, I expected to find many news articles two days after the end of the event. Data was collected from Google News using these search terms: “Who is BTS”, “BTS” AND “BBMA”, “BTS” AND “Award Shows”, “BTS” AND “Grammys”, “BTS ” AND “Racism”, “BTS” AND “Masculinity” and “BTS Interviews”. To avoid duplicate articles and overlook relevant information that may influence search results, I reviewed all articles on the first five Google search pages and selected 50 articles which are attached in Appendix 1 below. All selected articles were analyzed and coded for me to generate themes from the data relevant to my research (Bryman, 2012). Coding was done by grouping events, actions and more that I interpreted as similar according to themes such as reasons for BTS's success and more, as shown in Appendix 2. These themes facilitated my analysis of how BTS are represented. Discourse Analysis This research used DA as a tool to analyze the texts within each chosen article. DA refers to the study of language uses and investigates how ideas and power structures are socially constructed in discourses (Crawford, 2004; Hodges et al., 2008). DA can analyze data sources such as news and magazine articles, etc. Inequalities are justified by positive representations of one's group and negative representations of "Others" in discourse, for example, through certain uses of words with negative or positive connotations (Van Dijik, 1993). This means that ideologies are conveyed and (re)produced in a discourse. While my focus is on how BTS is represented and whether discourses of Western-centrism, racism, and hegemonic masculinity have been reproduced by Western media, I find DA to be the most appropriate method for my data analysis. This is because methods such as content analysis examine content and/or collect meaningful information, while DA studies how language is used in texts, allowing me to better understand how language can construct and reinforce ideologies (Hasa, 2016). Furthermore, DA uses strategies such as lexical style and argumentation expressed in the speech which can help me analyze thehow media texts are constructed and to decipher the underlying meanings supported and produced by the discourse and to discover the potential effects that media representations can have on audiences and society (Van Dijik, 1993; Crawford, 2004, p. 23). Therefore, much attention was paid to the words and sentence structures used to express certain ideas in the articles. Limitations of the methodology This research has several methodological limitations. First, the search for my articles is not exhaustive, which means that it is likely that I have missed some news and magazine articles, especially those from smaller publications, due to the search algorithm. Google which gives priority to websites with the highest traffic. Second, I did not collect media sources such as YouTube videos, which could provide more information, and the number of collected articles might be insufficient to generalize the results on a larger scale. Finally, most of the selected articles come from the United States. Therefore, I might neglect the UK coverage of BTS given the different perspectives they could offer.ResultsThis section will review and discuss the results of the analysis carried out. First, I will demonstrate the general coverage of BTS to understand how Western media generally presents them. Second, I will show how BTS is portrayed as the “Others” by Western media and the music industry due to Western-centrism and racism. Finally, I will demonstrate how BTS are perceived as both effeminate and positive Asian representatives, capable of redefining hegemonic masculinity in the West. Ultimately, my findings will reveal that overall coverage of BTS is similar to the coverage of K-Pop found in studies by Kwon (2017) and Gibson (2019) and that Western centrism, racism, and ideologies of Hegemonic masculinity are evident in Western media. BTS representations. General coverage of BTS Based on the analysis, this section will demonstrate the two distinct stages of BTS coverage in the Western introductory phase: the BBMAs (2017-2018) and the integration (2018 to present).Introductory stage: BBMAs (2017-2018) The introductory phase was characterized by media coverage on BTS's introduction, as well as their victory and performance at the BBMAs and the American Music Awards (AMA), respectively. Indeed, BTS was the first K-Pop group to win the TSA award and perform at the AMAs, despite being unknown to the general Western public. However, they managed to win the prize against Western artists like Justin Bieber, famous in America. While fan votes on social media platforms determine the winner of the award, most articles report that BTS's social media and fans, known as ARMY, are the main contributors to their victory. Some media outlets had a positive view of what this win meant for BTS and K-Pop in the West, but some thought the opposite. Billboard News hoped that BTS (and/or other K-Pop groups) could enter the Western music market, as the author felt that BTS' victory proved that K-Pop could compete and thrive in the Western music market. on a global scale thanks to social media (Benjamin, 2017). ). However, Howe (2017) of Varsity felt that this win did not mean much for K-Pop in the West, as the TSA award is based on fan votes. Howe (2017) explained that the award would be more important and more legitimate if it were a music award rather than one obtained through fan voting. He may think thatBTS' victory was not significant, but articles like Buzzfeed News (BFN) countered this argument by claiming that BTS helped spark conversations about Asian representation in the West (Chen, 2017). This is because there have been many racist comments like "Who are these Asians?" and “BTS returns to Korea” on social media after BTS won (Chen, 2017). BFN has featured BTS as an inspiration to many Asian Americans and encouraged the West to be more inclusive by giving more recognition to Asian artists. BTS began appearing on American talk shows and continued to perform at the AMAs. The media reported headlines like “All that mattered at the AMAs was BTS” (Connellan, 2017). Overall, this step gave the illusion that BTS is very popular in America and is a symbol of K-Pop's entry into the Western market. Onboarding Stage (2018 to present) This stage has witnessed increasing media coverage on them and their achievements. BTS has broken numerous records, including placing their songs at number one on the Billboard music charts and selling out stadiums in the United States and Europe for their concerts. The media called them a global phenomenon and rushed to reveal the reasons for their breakthrough in the West. There have been serious reports from Vulture and Rolling Stone (RS) that have studied the factors of BTS' success. They concluded that BTS's strong social media presence, ARMY fandom, impeccable performances and looks, meaningful messages, and authenticity of their music are the main contributors to their global success (Dorof, 2018; Kim , 2018). They described BTS as a group that challenges the manufactured stereotype of K-Pop by emphasizing that they write and produce most of their music with lyrics that talk about mental illness, self-esteem, and criticism of society. (Liu, 2019; Holmes, 2020). . The media had good intentions in presenting that BTS' unique point is their authenticity, however, they reinforced the troupe of manufactured puppets by failing to mention that there are other K-Pop artists who also produce their own songs. This stereotype was perpetuated in Abramovitch's interview with The Hollywood Reporter (2019), when members were asked about politics. Abramovitch (2019) described them as fake and robot-like commenting that a "switch seems to flip" in their brains and they responded like a "Disney animatronic figure". His comments draw on the racist sentiment that Asians are robots, coupled with the model minority myth in America where Asians are stereotyped as hard-working, rigid robots (Lee and Kumashiro, 2018). Abramovitch (2019) also mentioned that the members were kept on a leash and underwent rigorous training that "bordered on human rights violations" and used the suicide of singer Kim Jonghyun (KJH) to support the narrative that the K-Pop industry is toxic. By echoing these stereotypes, Abramovitch dehumanizes BTS and portrays K-Pop as inauthentic and the mistreatment of artists as a uniquely Korean problem, focused on the West and racist against it. The K-Pop industry has issues in its treatment towards idols and idols need to watch their image, however, it has failed to take into account that Western music companies also mistreat their artists (e.g. Kesha) and that Western artists would probably answer political questions the same way as BTS. His article is an example of problematic coverage.