Abortion is a very polarizing issue in America, and most people have strong opinions on it. In Abortion & the Politics of Motherhood, Kristin Luker analyzes it as a complex issue linked to religious beliefs, attitudes toward sexuality, historical context, and gender roles. Some people might think that if everyone could agree on when a life begins, whether it is conception, birth, or somewhere in between, the debate would be over, but Luker argues that it wouldn't end so simply. Say no to plagiarism. Get a tailor-made essay on “Why Violent Video Games Should Not Be Banned”? Get an original essay To dig deeper into the issue, Luker analyzes the deeper factors at play. “Why is the debate so bitter, so emotional? Part of the answer is simple: the two sides share virtually no common principles and very little common language.” (Luker 2) “When pro-life and pro-choice activists think about abortion, abortion itself is only “the tip of the iceberg.” Different beliefs about gender roles, the meaning of parenting, and human nature are all at play when it comes to abortion. (Luker 158) One of the main differences between movements at the activist level is that the pro-life movement is primarily based on religion, while the pro-choice movement has little to do with religion. “Nearly 80 percent of women active in the pro-life movement at the time were Catholic. » (Luker 196) “In contrast, 63 percent of pro-choice women say they have no religion. ” (Luker 196) These religious differences translate into radically different worldviews, the main reason why “personhood” is not really the end-all-be-all of the abortion debate. “During our interviews for this book, we spoke with eleven activists across the state who began publicly opposing abortion before the passage of the Beilenson bill of 1967. Among these eleven , nine were male Catholic professionals and one was an active housewife working with her husband, himself a male Catholic professional. (Luker 127-128) This also shows that there are probably more men involved at the activist level on the pro-life side. Pro-life activists are very religious and base their entire lives on their religious beliefs. Thus, they use their religious beliefs for their activism. “Since they believe that these rules have their origin in a divine plan, they consider them to be transcendent principles, eternally valid regardless of time, cultural context and individual beliefs. » (Luker 174) Another major factor in the debate concerns gender roles. Pro-life activists have very old-fashioned gender roles. Most of them believe that women are supposed to be mothers and wives before becoming anything else, while pro-life activists believe that motherhood and marriage are only options for women, and that they do not are not all there is in life. “Pro-life activists agree that men and women, because of these intrinsic differences, have different roles to play: men are best suited to the world of public work, and women are best suited to raise their children, manage their home and love. and take care of husbands. (Luker 160) On the contrary, "choice advocates agree that women (and men) consider children and family a satisfying part of life, but they also believe that it is reckless for a woman tobelieve that this is the only life possible. role they will always have. (Luker 176) Pro-choice activists believe that women should be able to support themselves without a husband, but should be able to take on the roles in life that seem most attractive to them, whether that be mothers or daughters. wives, workers or both. also different views on sexuality that affect the abortion argument. Pro-choice activists view sex not only as a necessity for the population, but also as a natural desire for pleasure, and therefore advocate for contraception to prevent unwanted pregnancies and STDs/STIs. “Specifically, they assert that belief in the procreative nature of sex leads to an oppressive degree of social regulation of sexual behavior, particularly the behavior of women, who must be protected (in their view, repressed) because free expression of sexual desires will get them into “trouble” and lead the species. to overpopulation. (Luker 177) For pro-choice activists, restricting abortion is oppressive because it limits their choices in life and therefore leads to other problems like poverty and fewer educational and career opportunities. There is also a certain alienation factor for single and pregnant women, as this interview shows: “The penalty was in effect to be excommunicated. Not literally, because she was still somewhat in touch, but she was removed from the membership list and became a "listener", as they called it, a listener. She could go to church, but she wouldn't be a member. (Luker 177) Pro-choice activists believe that in a situation like this, where a woman might face social backlash or isolation, abortion is a valid option. Meanwhile, pro-life attitudes on sexuality differ. For the most part, sexual relations have a procreative purpose for a married man and his wife, and are unacceptable in any other case. They consider sex sacred because it can bring children into the world. “Contraception, premarital sex, and infidelity are wrong, not only because of their social consequences, but also because they rob the sexual experience of meaning. ” (Luker 164) They believe that any time a married couple has sex, they should be open to the possibility of having children, and that things that prevent a potential child from being born are wrong. “Almost all were convinced that the pill and the IUD are abortive products (they can cause the death of a very young embryo) and that the passage of human life against abortion would also prohibit the pill and the IUD. Furthermore, most of them refused to use contraceptives for moral reasons.” (Luker 165) Another factor that prevents pro-choice and pro-life activists from finding common ground is the difference in their social status and interests. Besides religious differences, there are differences in professional and financial status. “Among pro-choice women, nearly four in ten had undertaken higher education beyond the baccalaureate.” (Luker 195) "In comparison, pro-life women had far less education: 10 percent of them had only a high school diploma or less, and 30 percent had never completed college (compared to just 8 percent of pro-choice women). Pro-life women are also the least likely to be employed, and when they are, they earn only low incomes, but pro-choice women work at much higher rates and earn more money. Among pro-life married women. women, for example, only.