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Essay / Conventional Constructivism: Norms, Culture, and Identity
Table of ContentsIntroductionNormsCultureIdentityIntroductionConventional constructivism, although less a theory of international relations than a social approach, further broadens the scope of classical realism by offering a sociological examination of security regarding norms, culture and identity. . Based on the idea that world politics is a social domain marked by the dynamic and mutually constitutive relationship between actors (primarily states) and structures (primarily the nature of the international system), constructivists are interested in processes, such than ideal factors such as norms. , the culture and identity which are at the origin of the current realities of the world. Say no to plagiarism. Get a tailor-made essay on 'Why violent video games should not be banned'? Get the original essay Alexander Wendt's work in the mid-1990s, in particular, is credited with giving credence to the constructivist approach conventional, which draws on structuration (i.e., structure and agency) and symbolic interactionist sociology (social interaction through symbols). According to Wendt, law and norms govern most domestic policies, while coercion and self-interest seem to govern international politics. is created, not given, since state or government identities, used interchangeably in this research, and interests are socially constructed and sustained through intersubjective practice. Security interests, for example, are defined by state actors responding to cultural determinants. Conventional constructivism is best defined on identity in that it “treats identity as an empirical question to be theorized in a historical context.” It also highlights how states construct their national interests and formulate relevant means to respond to them, such as threats and response to threats. its ultimate goal is the national military security of the state. To this end, it emphasizes discursive power and shared ideas or meanings, explicit or implicit, that are attributed to material objects or forces, such as borders or national flags, rather than the mere existence objects themselves. A conventional constructivist analysis emphasizes the importance of meaning and shared beliefs, but assumes the existence of an a priori reality, which places the approach halfway between classical realism and feminist geopolitics in security studies. Norms According to conventional constructivism, norms are collective expectations that define or regulate appropriate behavior for a given identity. Sometimes, for example, norms function as rules defining (and therefore "constituting") an identity, while at other times they have "regulatory" effects functioning as norms for the appropriate behavior of an identity already defined. As a whole, norms (i.e. anarchy, states, sovereignty), which are intersubjective, establish expectations about who the actors will be in a given environment and how these specific actors will will behave, in particular in terms of safety behavior. can be strong or weak, which explains why the presence of standards does not always encourage compliance with them. Accordingly, conventional constructivism focuses on the impact of norms, such as man as norm, and their frequent empowerment through their institutionalization in domestic and international law in international security. The standards constituteactors and meaningful actions by positioning themselves both in social roles, such as state or military organizations, and in social environments, such as the international system or the transnational security profession. Furthermore, for conventional constructivists, ideas are not just rules to guide action, but rather ideas are conveyed "all the way down" to influence actors and actions in world politics. In other words, when ideas are norms, they not only constrain but also constitute actors, which allows their action. For example, international law not only delineates the legitimate practices of states, but also legitimizes states and allows them to behave in ways that are meaningful to other international actors. States then behave in the manner they deem most appropriate. Furthermore, conventional constructivists view international norms as shaping similarity in state action and form, regardless of states' material resources. All states, for example, despite the huge differences in their capabilities. to exercise internal control and exercise international power, recognizing each other as sovereign. Some conventional constructivists also recognize the impact of national norms on state action and behavior, which explains differences between states' behaviors. Norms that are distinct from national organizations and communities are therefore seen as shaping distinct national military styles and modes of organizing war, although research has also shown that some military norms originate from outside the State. CultureCulture refers to a set of evaluative norms, such as values or norms, and cognitive norms, such as the patterns or rules defining which actors (i.e. individuals or states) and entities (i.e. i.e. organizations) exist in a system and how they function and interact. State policies thus reconstruct or reproduce institutional or cultural structures. According to Wendt, culture is a self-fulfilling prophecy in that state actors act according to shared expectations, which tend to reproduce those expectations. Furthermore, culture is fluid, continually in motion, even as it reproduces itself. That's what people make of it, a "continuous achievement", even though it is a constraining force that influences their behavior at all times. Despite this conservative trait, culture is characterized by a more or less strong contestation between its holders, which serves as a continuous resource for structural change, thus making culture a social construction that is both fluid and static. Based on these premises, Wendt proposes three cultures of anarchy in the international system: Hobbesian, Lockean and Kantian. Every culture is constructed by a fixed idea concerning the fundamental relations between states. A State, depending on its needs, can perceive its other as an enemy (Hobbesian culture), a rival (Lockean culture) or a friend (Kantian culture). For example, Hobbesian culture involves “threatening adversaries who observe no limits in their violence toward one another”; Lockean culture involves “competitors who will use violence to advance their interests but will refrain from killing each other”; and Kantian culture. The culture involves “allies who do not use violence to resolve differences and work as a team against security threats.” Thus, states interacting in a particular culture come to know each other as.